How do both Jesuits and non-Jesuits write about the pre-suppression era without either celebrating or condemning? What were the most significant struggles and successes of the pre-suppression Society, and what role did Rome or other Italian locations play in these? I will address these issues by discussing sources and authors of Jesuit history throughout the Italian peninsula and islands, both regionally and comparatively; by noting the attention paid by historians to particular subjects; and by pointing to some areas of scholarship which are lacking.
The first formal histories of the Jesuits in Italy are regional, reflecting the political divisions of their time, and provide little geographical context. Certain topics have dominated: lives of founders and generals, establishment of colleges, relationships with popes and secular princes, conflicts with other religious orders, and the fine arts. The tradition of biography continues today. The most frequently studied Jesuit is Ignatius of Loyola c.
In particular, these scholars refer to weak leadership, citing as examples Generals Muzio Vitelleschi — , Giovanni Paolo Oliva —81 , and Charles de Noyelle — William Bangert, also a twentieth-century Catholic historian, took a more balanced approach, defending each general with reference to administrative and personal documents. Juan Alfonso de Polanco —76 began the tradition of more comprehensive histories in c.
A transition from celebratory to analytic began in the late sixteenth century, with the Jesuit scholar Orazio Torsellini — This can be attributed in part to the growing influence of scientific activity within the Society, and to the work of the Jesuit polymath Daniello Bartoli — Jesuit-written Jesuit histories concentrated on geographical regions, and local studies have remained important through the modern era.
Among those focused studies, Roman subjects dominate. Researching the membership and activities in that city means investigating non-Italians living and working in what became the capital of a unified Italy. Histories of those institutions have often been hostile. For example, the English College in Rome founded in has been criticized as a nursery of traitors or as a cesspool of corruption cf. Apologists, on the other hand, lauded it as the only defense of true Christianity for the British Isles. For that viewpoint, see, e. Rome was also the home of the Collegio Romano, the history of which has been kept since its inception.
This was only the second, and remains the most complete, full-length study of the college. In , Jesuit historian Philip Caraman attempted to update Villoslada. Outside of Rome, histories of colleges and churches in other Italian territories tend to focus on major urban centers Bologna, Messina, Milan, Naples, Palermo, Rome, and Venice , although Simon Ditchfield has spoken against the continuance of this trend.
Among the exceptions are an article by theologian Peter Togni, discussing the development of a dedicated house for novices, along with activities undertaken by those brothers and priests in formation. Non-Jesuits educated in the schools can be investigated by studying the sodalities, also called confraternities, which engaged in public and private worship.
That shift in focus allows for a more evenhanded approach to the struggles faced by early modern Jesuits up to the French Revolution. The Society faced allegations of alliances with political power to further their own agenda; new developments in science; accusations of manipulation of the reigning pope, or by him; conflicts over the power of the papacy; Jansenism; the decline in importance of the pro-Jesuit Austrian monarchy; and the spreading expulsion and eventual suppression — An early example of such conflict was the Venetian Interdict of The most important full-length study of the Jesuit role in this crisis is by Pirri.
The Society was one of the main targets of the Venetian Republic in reaction to papal action. Briefly put, the Jesuit Luis de Molina — held that though humans had free will, the omniscient God knew what choices they would make—a scientia media , or special knowledge, which helps determine what form of grace God will offer. Sarpi argued that the Jesuits, whom he considered enemies of the republic, should be forced to leave; and he delighted in their departure under a cloud of shame.
The Society eventually returned to Venice, after a half century of negotiation and concessions by the republic to both the papacy and the Jesuits. The text claimed to be a manual for attracting not only more members of the Society, but more power by alliances with rulers. Beginning in the s, Jansenists accused the Society of lax moral theology, of appealing to the conscience of the individual for a probable justification of behavior, rather than to a rigorous approach in which, the law would prevail.
In reality, this accusation was exaggerated. The Jansenist problem spilled over into the Enlightenment, a period for which the historiography in Italian territories is thin. By the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, this interpretation has been challenged. For example, historian Dorinda Outram argued that few public intellectuals of the time were truly anti-religious; the rest wanted a more rational approach to religion. Other Italian intellectuals of the eighteenth century, including Paolo Mattia Doria — , Giovanni Vincenzo Gravina — , and Giovanni Gaetano Bottari — , joined in the censure.
Doria considered Jesuit education to be damaging and self-aggrandizing, designed to increase the wealth and power of the Society. Eventually, the anti-Jesuit movement culminated in the decision to suppress the Society. The suppression in the Italian territories, while largely beyond the scope of this study, is still of interest because it took place at different times throughout the peninsula and islands.
Thousands of Jesuits exiled from Spanish and Portuguese territories emigrated to independent or Austrian Italian territories, especially Emilia-Romagna, the Marche, and Lazio, between and The impact of this has only recently received attention. In , the diary of Spanish ex-Jesuit Manuel Luengo — , who transferred to Bologna, was published for the first time. It provides insights into the complex issues surrounding the period between the Spanish and total suppressions. Luengo and other Jesuit migrants maintained a strong connection both to their homelands and to the hope that the Society would be resurrected.
In addition to biographical, organizational, and political studies, the fine arts produced and patronized by the Society have attracted consistent scholarly attention throughout its history. Jesuit art and architecture between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries can be categorized as both mannerist and baroque, and the Society was instrumental in the development of both genres.nandpachisiswork.cf/2819.php
The more positive interpretations of the architecture associated with the Society have developed as a result of a paradigm shift in the second half of the twentieth century. However, Jesuit architecture was, she argues, clearly propagandistic, as the Nazi regime recognized, and attempted to imitate. This cast a distasteful shadow, which persists more strongly in Italian architectural historical studies than elsewhere in Europe.
Conforti, per il Seicento, contenuti in questo volume, entrambi con ampia bibliografia di riferimento. Per il caso di Milano cfr. De Maddalena, E. Rotelli, G. Barbarisi edd. Grignani e C. Mazzoleni a cura di , Edizioni pavesi del Seicento: il primo trentennio , Bologna, Donato, La medicina a Roma tra Sei e Settecento. Una proposta di interpretazione , in M. Andretta, Le Scalpel de Pierre. Stabile, ad vocem , DBI , 16, p Musi, La professione medica nel mezzogiorno moderno , in M. Betri e A. Pastore a cura di , Avvocati, medici, ingegneri. Alle origini delle professioni moderne sec.
Lombardi, Tra le pagine di S. Musi, La professione medica Del Bagno, Il collegio napoletano dei dottori. Privilegi, decreti e decisioni , Napoli, Baldini, Christoph Clavius and the scientific scene in Rome , in V. Coyne, M. Hoskin e O. Pedersen a cura di , Gregorian reform of the calendar.
Su Castelli e il suo insegnamento in Sapienza cfr. Sul ruolo del Collegio Romano nel contesto urbano principale punto di riferimento rimane R. Guerrieri e L. Nussdorfer, Il Collegio Romano sec. In proposito anche E. Battistini, I manuali di retorica dei Gesuiti , in G. Brizzi ed. Cultures, sciences and the arts , , Toronto-Buffalo-Londra, , p. Per questa via sarebbe forse possibile far luce sui complessi equilibri patrimoniali interni alla famiglia e alle relazioni intercorrenti fra i due fratelli Alessandro e Bartolomeo Zannetti a cui si riferisce S.
ASV, Sec. Zannetti, giugno richiesto dallo stesso Bellarmino per il suo De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis liber unus. Galilei, Le Opere.
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Edizione Nazionale , ed. Favaro rist. Su Grassi cfr. Preti, M. Ercolino, ad vocem , in DBI , 58, p. Ferber, Scio te multos amicos habere. Keil, Markus Welser und die Naturwissenschaften , in M. Burkhardt, a cura di , Die Welser. In particolare, sulla mediazione tra Germania e Italia cfr. Su Faber e il mondo tedesco cfr. Per la testimonianza da Monaco di Matthias Miller, nel seguito di Schoppe, al rientro dalla dieta di Ratisbona, durante una sosta su invito del rettore del collegio bavarese ivi , vol.
Item Refutatio Cyclometriae eiusdem. Sulla questione della riforma del calendario, approvata da Gregorio XIII nel , e le resistenze delle Chiese luterane cfr.
Opere Di Galileo Galilei
Bucciantini, Galileo Sulla questione stampa del volume cfr. Suspicor eo opere R. Vestram occurrere superbiae Scaligerianae [ Corrispondenza di Clavio , I, p. Nunc quinto ab ipso auctore hoc anno Accessit, geometrica, atque uberrima de crepuscolis tractatio , Roma, sumptibus Io. Gelli, apud A. Zannettum, Gatto, Tra scienza e immaginazione. Le matematiche presso il collegio gesuitico napoletano , Firenze, Campio che non ha potuto consegnare a Gio. Corrispondenza di Clavio , I. Gatto, Tra scienza e immaginazione Cozzi, Intorno al card. Ottavio Paravicino, a mons.
Paolo Gualdo e a Michelangelo da Caravaggio, in Rivista storica italiana, 73, , p.
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Ancora a Venezia, nel viene invece ristampata la terza edizione, pubblicata a Roma nel Capecchi, Per la ricostruzione di una biblioteca seicentesca: i libri di storia naturale di Federico Cesi , in Atti della Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti Classe di scienze morali, storiche, filologiche , 41, , p. Colonna, Minus Cognitarum Rariorumque nostro coelo orientium stirpium Ekfrasiv [ IV, ff.
Illustrato da un suo zibaldone inedito , in Id. Ago, Economia barocca. Mercato e istituzioni nella Roma del Seicento , Roma, Il contratto supera dunque le ragioni contingenti per presentare organicamente un inedito modello editoriale.
Contratto , par. In proposito Contratto , par. Mosley, Sources for italian typefounding , in La Bibliofilia , , , p. Zappella, Il libro antico a stampa. Struttura, tecniche, tipologie, evoluzione , I, Milano, , p. In proposito, Carteggio linceo , p. Sul ritmo di stampa cfr. Sul ritmo del lavoro tipografico cfr. Bertoli, Organizzazione del lavoro tipografico, lettura in piombo e correzione nei preliminari del contratto fra Scipione Ammirato e Filippo Giunti per la stampa delle Istorie Fiorentine , in La Bibliofilia , 97, , p.
Baldacchini, La parola e la cassa. Per una storia del compositore nella tipografia italiana , in Quaderni storici , 24, , p. Polo, 20 giugno Moran ed. Sulle disposizioni lincee in materia di tirature cfr. Su Stegliola cfr. Filosofia, scienza e architettura in Colantonio Stigliola , Bologna, , con bibliografia. Sulle condizioni contrattuali per la stampa del libro cfr.
IV, f. Sulla Tabernaria v. Della Porta. Edizione nazionale Bardi, Eorum quae vehuntur in aquis experimenta a Joanne Bardio florentino ad Archimedis trutinam examinata.
IX Kalend. Batholomaei Zannetti, Su questo intervento, discusso prima della pubblicazione al Collegio Romano cfr. Bucciantini, Galileo e Keplero Il ruolo di intermediazione di Faber viene di frequente ribadito nella corrispondenza di Cesi, corredata di notizie su lettere e note inviate da Quietano. Per i riferimenti a Cobelluzzi v. Brevaglieri, L. Guerrini, F. Su Gaspard Bouhin: v. Whitteridge, ad vocem , in Dictionary of Science Biography , I, , p. Per la dotazione degli Elzevier cfr.
Catalogus librorum De ratione recte philosophandi et de Natura ignis et caloris, Romae, apud Iacobum Mascardum, Superiorum permissu. Gloriosi [ Su Gloriosi cfr. Baldini, ad vocem , DBI , 57, p. Memorie della Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e filologiche , s. VI, vol. VII, , rist. Lhote e D. Baldini e P. Napolitani a cura di , Cristoph Clavio. You can suggest to your library or institution to subscribe to the program OpenEdition Freemium for books.
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Text Notes Endnotes Author. Full text. Visceglia a cura di , La corte di Roma tra Cinque Tortarolo, Introduc Romano, Entre Annali tipografici di Guglielmo Facciotti e Barberi, Libri e stampatori n Barberi, Per una storia del libro romano del Seicento , Pasta, C Di Nola, Percorsi reali e percorsi simbolici nelle guide di Roma tr Pesenti Marangon, Stampatori e lette Flora overo cultura di fiori , riproduzione in facsimile, testi Quibus certa, multiplicique artifi cio, peni — tiorib Nuovi documenti dall Ex Bibliotheca Vat Romani, Per lo Stato e per la Chiesa: la tipografia della Reverend Pacidius Jacques Godefroy, De Suburbicariis r Frajese, Una teoria de Leaven, The Frankfurt and Leipzig They catalogue all anatomical, anthropometric, and psychological features of different types of women; they highlighting the differences between normal women, female criminals, and prostitutes.
For this reason, they considered the prostitute to be a criminal; even if she had not committed a crime, on the basis of her physical weakness or low intelligence, as was evident and confirmed by the numerous physical and mental abnormalities e. The organic inferiority of woman, and especially the question of her excessive or absent sensitivity, led some scholars to believe that female sex should still be considered as a mitigating circumstance For this reason, huge importance was given to the sexual element so to create a strong demarcation between genders, even at the psycho-physical boundary, especially connected to their reproductive system.
Obviously, this approach was not an innovation of the nineteenth century but only a revival of a very old and deep-rooted belief derived from the medical and philosophical knowledge of ancient Greece. The issue was so controversial that even Giacomo Casanova intervened in the debate with a satirical pamphlet entitled, not surprisingly, Split Hairs [ Lana caprina ] as he considered the debate only a futile scholarly question.
Somehow, the causticness of Casanova seemed to paradoxically anticipate, the tendency to identify a disease with a gender, as it would happen in the following century with hysteria. This kind of mental illness, construed as quintessentially feminine because it featured a general irritability and nervousness, mingled with the presumed natural fickleness and fragility of woman.
According to the terms of this debate, the man is still a rational human being, determined and well balanced, without excessive or deficient sentimentality, and is therefore naturally intended to perform both manual and intellectual work This gender role, which encompassed her entire emotional life, inevitably was reflected in the concept of feminine deviance, oscillating, as we will see, between evil and insanity. Unlike many other countries, in Italy the concealment of pregnancy or of an illegitimate birth was not considered a crime in itself.
On the contrary, driven by the social and religious dictates of the time, a pregnant single woman had the duty to maintain secrecy, giving up her rights to new-born illegitimate offspring by leaving them at foundling homes, religious institutes, or pious orphanages for unwanted infants Not by chance, since the second half of the nineteenth century a lively debate arose around the crime of infanticide, the female crime par excellence , or better, around the infanticidal mother, developed.
Thanks to the valorisation of maternal honour, the crime of infanticide gradually underwent a significant change from the legal tradition of previous centuries, in which the crime was generally 48 defined as murder and sometimes punished with harsher penalties In the nineteenth century by contrast, infanticide came to be seen as a separate crime, committed only by a mother and increasingly focusing on the feeling of honour. In other words, the sentiment of purity and sexual honour, were inverted like in a perverse mirror game.
In other words, the crime itself was proof of the honour of the woman who had committed it. Thus, the concept of female honour ultimately became the key to defining the crime of infanticide itself, so much so that honest women could commit infanticide while other offenders—mere evil women—are defined as common criminals and as such were to be punished more severely.
For this reason, the honour that pertained to infanticide is a sort of weapon capable of being reintegrated in the society: the woman who had lost her honour could see it given back only through marriage or, surprisingly, through a criminal act cancelling the proof of her lost honour
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